ANTHONY BUTLER: How SA’s parliamentary system turned the tide on political zombies

Citizens should reflect on the strengths of our constitution when it comes to ageing leaders who cling to power

01 August 2025

First published in Business Day

The increasing number of SA citizens who want direct presidential elections and a “strongman” leader should revisit the series Game of Thrones.

In one memorable scene the warrior Sandor Clegane fights his monstrous and zombified brother during the sacking of King’s Landing. The brother, Gregor (“The Mountain”), has been rendered almost unkillable by the enigmatic Qyburn, a master of unnatural anatomical research who has turned him into a towering, silent, undead version of his former self.

Gregor now has superhuman strength and refuses to die, even when stabbed repeatedly through the chest and throat. Exhausted and bleeding, Sandor realises that his brother is no longer really mortal. He yells something like “firkin die!” as he stabs his brother in the eye with a dagger — but to no effect. In a final act of desperation, he wrestles the Mountain through a crumbling wall, sending both of them plunging into the all-consuming fire below. 

In today’s world modern medical science has replaced Qyburn’s alchemy, providing leaders in their seventies and eighties with preventive cardiology, advanced neurological monitoring and pharmaceutical regimes that mitigate the visible signs of ageing. Improvements in managing Alzheimer’s or Parkinson’s allow medical teams to mask or manage symptoms that would previously have ended a political career. Discreet surgeries, hormone treatments and cosmetic procedures meanwhile maintain the strongman image. 

Access to absolute power provides access to the best care, while perceived good health allows leaders to extend their grip on power. The state controls public information about a leader’s health and longevity, bolstering an illusion of immortality or invincibility, which supports the myth of the irreplaceable strongman. 

As a result, much of the world is now dominated by zombies. Cameroon’s Paul Biya was born in 1933. Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo has ruled Equatorial Guinea since 1979. Yoweri Museveni of Uganda came to power in 1986 and is close to 80, while Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ali Khamenei, is 86 this year.

Russia’s Vladimir Putin, who has held the presidency or prime ministership since 1999, and Xi Jinping of China, who continues as general secretary of the Chinese Communist Party and president of the country, are both in their seventies.  All of these leaders have rigged their political systems to prolong their rule and suppress opposition.

In the US Donald Trump, having returned to the presidency in 2025, is 79. Israel’s Benjamin Netanyahu, who has been in and out of office since the 1990s, is 75. 

Age reduces adaptability, responsiveness to younger generations and openness to reform. Elderly strongmen erode institutional checks, weakening legislatures, courts and electoral commissions while building up personal networks of loyalty. This undermines state capacity and bureaucratic professionalism, as decisions are filtered through sycophantic inner circles. 

While age must not be equated with incapacity (especially when it comes to newspaper columnists), cognitive decline, deteriorating health and reliance on unelected aides are perilous. Advanced years can lead to erratic decision-making, policy paralysis or dangerous adventurism, especially in regimes with nuclear capabilities. 

Ageing strongmen pursue repressive foreign policies as they seek to insulate themselves from international accountability. They may feel they have little to lose, and pursue high-risk strategies to avoid post-retirement prosecution. 

By clinging to power these leaders prevent the emergence of new political generations. This has long-term consequences: it discourages ambitious younger politicians from entering public service and hollows out political parties, which become passive vehicles for patronage. The lack of meaningful renewal leads to stagnation, corruption and a fragile political culture. 

In the light of these global pathologies, citizens should reflect on the strengths of SA’s constitution. Our own political undead, such as former presidents Jacob Zuma and Thabo Mbeki, aspired to third or fourth terms, in person or by proxy. It was our parliamentary system that made it possible to turn back this potential tide of zombies. 

• Butler teaches public policy at the University of Cape Town.